“Of the 70 matters that concluded in 2025, the DPP secured 36 convictions or upheld sentences, representing a conviction rate of 78.3% on all cases decided on their merits. That figure places the DPP's office among the better-performing prosecution services in the sub-region, and it reflects the professional diligence of prosecutors in the Ministry who handled a heavy and diverse docket throughout the year,” the Justice Minister said.

Hon. Jallow said ten additional cases concluded through sentence variations on appeal, where appellants achieved partial reductions in custodial terms. While these represent partial successes for appellants, the Justice Minister said in every instance the original conviction recorded by a lower court was left undisturbed.

Murder and Manslaughter

The Justice Minister said his office concluded 11 murder and manslaughter trials in 2025 with eight resulting in convictions.

“That is 73% of murder cases we prosecuted in 2025 resulted in convictions. Bubacarr Bahaga and Augustine Bangura received the death sentence for murder. Famara Kanteh received a life sentence. Amadou Sowe and Mario Mendy were also convicted of murder,” he said.

The Justice Minister said in three matters, courts returned convictions for the lesser offence of manslaughter, specifically Kemo Hydara (2 years), Bubacarr Jallow, and Barakel Irore (5 years).

Hon. Jallow further stated that three accused persons, Balla Ceesay, Salifu Keita, and Salieu Bah, were acquitted. He said his office filed an appeal in the Salieu Bah matter, and that appeal is currently in progress.

Rape and Sexual Offences

The Justice Minister told journalists that the prosecution secured 5 convictions in rape trials in 2025. He said sentences ranged from time served to 20 years imprisonment with  Saikou Bah, and Hamidou Fasirou receiving 20 years, and 10 years respectively with hard labour.

“Two accused persons, Bubacarr Janneh and Babou Gai, were acquitted and discharged. The Ministry notes that sexual offence prosecutions require heightened investigative support, and will continue working with the Gambia Police Force to strengthen evidence gathering in this category,” he said.

Robbery and Theft

Hon. Jallow said 7 convictions were secured in robbery and theft matters. These he said included Kemo Jobe (robbery), Abdul Aziz Secka (robbery), Matarr Nyang and Fallou Njie (conspiracy and robbery).

The Justice Minister further revealed that three accused persons were acquitted in this category, including Mamud Bah and Abdou Sissoho. In Financial Crime, Fraud and Money Laundering, he said 3 convictions were secured in this category.

“Sarjo Corr and a co-accused received 10 years’ imprisonment with an option of fine for fraudulent false accounting, money laundering, conspiracy, and stealing. Mam John Richards received 3 years for stealing by a director. Wilfred Sayee and Jonathan Papa Flomo were convicted on all counts of conspiracy, obtaining goods by false pretence, and purchasing forged notes,” he said.

He said Omar Fofana was separately convicted for aggravated drug trafficking and money laundering.

Drug Trafficking

The Justice Minister disclosed to journalists that  2 convictions were secured in drug trafficking matters, Omar Fofana (aggravated drug trafficking with money laundering) was convicted with a fine of D20 million.

He said Assan Badjie was convicted of possession of cannabis for trafficking and ordered to pay a fine.

According to the minister, one (1) accused, Lamin Jaiteh, was acquitted of acting as an intermediary for drug trafficking.

Trafficking in Persons

“The State secured a conviction of Hanna Magbujor Isaiah on three of four counts, including conspiracy to commit a felony, trafficking in persons, and importation of persons,” he said.

The Justice Minister believes that this conviction represents an important milestone in The Gambia's ongoing commitment to prosecuting human trafficking offences.

Corruption prosecution

The Justice Minister said the State v Amie Sarr and five others, a corruption-related prosecution, was terminated on a no case to answer submission. He said his office has filed an appeal against that ruling, and the matter is before the Court of Appeal.

Appeal Cases

The Justice Minister revealed that the  DPP successfully defended the State's position in ten concluded appeal matters in 2025.

 He said one appeal, Alpha Ceesay, succeeded in full, resulting in an order to pay a fine.

“The Ministry acknowledges this outcome and has reviewed the circumstances,” he said.

New Indictments Filed in 2025

The Justice Minister revealed that the DPP filed 30 new indictments in 2025, covering offences including robbery, economic crimes, attempted murder, rape, trafficking in persons, corruption, and murder. He said these matters are now before the courts and will form a significant portion of the 2026 caseload.

“The Ministry is committed to ensuring that each of these prosecutions is thoroughly prepared and professionally conducted,” he stated.

“It is only a court of law that can pronounce guilt or innocence,” Taal emphasised, adding that such remarks could be seen as encroaching on the role of the judiciary.

He warned that statements from the executive carry significant weight and can shape public perception, potentially eroding trust in the independence of the courts. For many citizens, he noted, the distinction between the roles of government branches is not always clear, making such comments even more impactful.

Taal urged that the statement be retracted and clarified to protect the integrity of the justice system. He described The Gambia’s judiciary as increasingly independent in recent years, citing past rulings against the government as evidence of progress.

However, he cautioned that both the president’s remarks and the handling of the arrests risk reversing those gains, particularly at a time when the country is navigating a delicate transitional justice process.

He acknowledged the loss of the two servicemen and injuries to another, describing the situation as a national tragedy that demands justice is handled with care and sensitivity.

Taal stressed that the courts alone have the authority to determine guilt or innocence. He explained that the accused individuals in the case were acquitted and discharged by a competent court after due process, with the state exercising its right to appeal. Importantly, he noted that the court also ruled they should not be detained, granting them bail.

He raised concern over their subsequent arrest, describing it as being carried out without a lawful court order and in defiance of an existing ruling. According to him, this strikes at the heart of the rule of law, where liberty can only be restricted through legal authority.

He concluded by calling for restraint from public officials and stronger advisory support around the presidency, stressing that safeguarding the rule of law must remain a national priority.

The court found out that the prosecution had failed to meet the evidentiary threshold required for a conviction.

Also, Abdoulaye Thiam’s civil claims including damages, though acknowledged by the court, were finally rejected.

The court judged Thiam’s claims “ill-founded” hence dismissed them, thereby allowing for all legal costs and court fees to be shouldered by the public treasury rather than either party.

The court, by rejecting the civil claims as lacking merit, highlighted the absence of both legal and factual grounds for the compensation sought by Thiam, effectively leading to legal victory for Fatty and her defence team.

By the time of going to press Thiam’s representatives had not indicated whether they would appeal the decision. The ruling will stand as final, should there be no appeal within the prescribed legal timeframe.

Thursday’s session focused on his examination as a witness in the killing of Almamo Manneh in January 2000 coup plot, in which he was purported to be the brain in its foil.

“To suggest he [Almamo Manneh] was killed because he was a political opponent of Yahya Jammeh is incorrect,” Sonko reiterated for the umpteenth time to the court of appeals. He said that up to year 2000, Almamo was very close to President Jammeh, and he would not have considered him an enemy of the state.

Thus, when he secretly recorded the audio – under circumstances he refused to explain to the court citing an oath of secrecy he took – and then presented it to Yahya Jammeh, it became quite a disappointment to the president, as Almamo was “a well-loved solder” at the time.

Despite the prosecution’s argument that Sonko lured Almamo to Sting Corner to be killed, instead of incapacitating him during the arrest like the case with Landing Sanneh who was the State Guards commander at the time, Sonko maintained that his act was done in accordance with laws of the Gambia.

This line of questioning led to the part where he was examined on his loyalties and roles in the said killing. He refused to answer those questions on the bases of official secrets act. When asked to pinpoint Sting Corner on a map presented to him, he remained mute, just as he was when presented and asked to read an article of the announcement of the said incident back in 2000.

He was also quizzed on the discrepancy in his statement on the matter, and the statement released by the Ministry of the Interior regarding the incident.

In the said statement, Manneh was reportedly intercepted on the way to Fajara and Yundum military barracks for the said operation. Also, it was claimed that the two have been under investigations for months prior to the arrest orders against them. But Sonko remained mute, citing official Secrets Act, and his oath as a soldier.

He maintained the same silence when put to him that the TRRC found that he, Yahya Jammeh, Musa Jammeh, Ismaila Jammeh and other soldiers were responsible for the killing of Almamo Manneh. At one point, he said all he could tell the court was that the arrests were “proportionate” with the crimes of attempting a coup against a legitimate government.

Then came the lawyer, Mullis, who asked him when he joined the army in 1988, to whom did he swore loyalty to?

Sonko said to the government of Dawda K. Jawara at the time. Again, he was confronted whether he received any medal or recognition for his role in toppling the same government he swore to be loyal to. He answered yes to that, thus ending the session for the day.

The arrests reveal the increasingly creative methods traffickers employ—concealing drugs in televisions, potato sacks, rice bags, and even food containers. Yet, DLEAG officers remain on high alert, deploying intelligence and vigilance to intercept these attempts.

Officials said the agency’s recent successes underscore the ongoing battle between traffickers seeking to outmanoeuvre law enforcement and officers determined to protect communities from the scourge of narcotics.

PRO Sanyang confirmed that over 30 suspects have been arrested by narcotics officers at various locations across the country in recent weeks. He underscored the agency’s unwavering commitment to safeguarding The Gambia from drugs and other clandestine activities, noting that the arrests demonstrate both the scale of the challenge and the determination of officers to confront it head-on.

“All the arrestees are currently in DLEAG custody as investigations continue,” Sanyang stated, adding that the agency’s operations are part of a broader strategy to dismantle trafficking networks and protect communities from the devastating impact of narcotics.

He stated that while dealers employ increasingly creative methods to evade detection, DLEAG officers remain vigilant, deploying intelligence and operational precision to intercept illicit consignments.

The agency’s recent successes, he continued, send a clear message: drug trafficking will not be tolerated in The Gambia. “By exposing smuggling tactics and bringing suspects into custody, DLEAG continues to demonstrate its role as a frontline defender against narcotics and organised crime.”

This crisis is the predictable consequence of poor leadership, characterised by misplaced priorities and political short-sightedness.

Rather than investing in domestic electricity generation, which is the very foundation of a functional energy sector, the Adama Barrow government has chosen to pursue a strategy centered almost entirely on expanding distribution. Connecting households with electrical wires is politically convenient; it is visible, photographable, and easy to campaign on. But it puts the cart before the horse. Expanding the distribution network while generation capacity remains critically inadequate does not give Gambians access to electricity - it gives them access to darkness through new wires.

The numbers speak for themselves. The Gambia currently generates less than 30 megawatts of electricity domestically. The vast majority of our supply (over 50MW) is imported from Senegal. This is not only among the lowest generation capacity on the African continent; it is lower than what we produced under previous administrations. By this measure, we have not progressed - we have regressed.

The government's mismanagement of the energy sector has been compounded by a series of costly and avoidable decisions.

Chief among them was the $200 million spent over seven years purchasing electricity from a floating generator at inflated prices. This staggering expenditure brought no lasting generation capacity to the country and represented a profound waste of public resources. At the same time, the reckless expansion of the distribution network, which has been pursued not out of strategic necessity but short-term, opportunistic decision-making, has deepened an already serious electricity deficit.

Our dangerous overdependence on imported electricity carries severe and cascading consequences for the entire economy. It strips the country of energy independence, leaving us entirely exposed to decisions made abroad - a vulnerability we are experiencing in real time today. It widens our trade deficit, accelerates the depreciation of the dalasi, and drives up the cost of living for ordinary Gambians. As the dalasi weakens, NAWEC's operating costs rise, its losses mount, and the burden on public finances grows heavier. This in turn feeds a cycle of fiscal deficits and mounting domestic and external debt.

These are self-inflicted wounds. And they are avoidable. GFA believes that reliable and affordable electricity is achievable, but only under a government that is serious, strategic, and willing to prioritize the national interest over political gain. The party advocates for the following foundational reforms:

1. Invest in domestic energy generation. The government must urgently invest in the construction of local power plants to increase the country's energy generation This should include investment in renewable energy such as solar. Greater domestic energy generation means greater energy independence and reduced vulnerability to external shocks. The government must be strategic and foresighted in its planning and execution of important national infrastructure.
2. Reform NAWEC comprehensively. The national utility has been chronically mismanaged and is accumulating debt at a rate that threatens the country's fiscal Structural, operational, and governance reforms are urgently needed.
3. Make distribution follow generation. Expansion of the electricity network must be sequenced properly: generation capacity first, distribution second. Crucially, any significant expansion of the distribution network must be accompanied by commensurate investment in maintenance infrastructure.

When these reforms are implemented with discipline and political will, Gambian households, educational institutions, health facilities and businesses will have what they deserve: meaningful, reliable, and affordable access to electricity. The Gambian people have waited long enough for reforms that never arrived. GFA is committed to providing the serious leadership this moment demands. A GFA-led government will align electricity generation with distribution, delivering dependable power through a balanced mix of sources to deliver energy security.

At the close of the meeting, ministers endorsed the Regional Gender-Based Violence Roadmap (2026–2028), adopted the GBV Legal Scorecard, and approved a joint communiqué to be presented at the First Ladies’ conference marking a significant shift from commitments to concrete implementation.

Speaking at the forum, Trina Haque, Regional Director for Human Development at the World Bank, reaffirmed the institution’s strong commitment to supporting countries in tackling GBV through coordinated and results-driven interventions.

She stressed that gender-based violence remains one of the most serious barriers to development in the region, warning that no country can reach its full potential if women and girls—who constitute half of the population—continue to live in fear, exclusion, and silence.

“Ending gender-based violence is not optional, it is central to development,” she emphasised.

Haque revealed alarming statistics, noting that 41 percent of girls in West and Central Africa are married before the age of 18, while more than 144 million women and girls across Africa have undergone female genital mutilation. She added that such practices continue to undermine education, health outcomes, and economic participation, with long-term intergenerational consequences.

She highlighted the SWEDD Plus programme as a flagship regional initiative driving investments in girls’ education, health, and empowerment, stressing that integrated approaches across sectors remain key to achieving lasting impact.

Similarly, Edwige Adekambi Domingo, Director of the Regional Technical Secretariat of SWEDD at UNFPA, described the forum as a critical turning point in confronting harmful practices and violence against women and girls.

She warned that 4.5 million girls in the region remain at risk of female genital mutilation in 2026, stressing that behind every statistic is a life whose potential could be destroyed by violence.

“We cannot accept this reality. We must act with urgency and deliver results,” she said.

Domingo commended The Gambia for demonstrating strong political will, citing the establishment of the country’s first integrated GBV survivor support centre and a dedicated annual budget allocation of approximately $3 million to strengthen prevention and response efforts.

Adding another dimension to the discussion, Edwin W. Harris Jr., Director General of the Inter-Governmental Action Group against Money Laundering in West Africa (GIABA), drew attention to the link between financial crimes and gender-based violence.

He warned that corruption and money laundering deprive governments of critical resources needed to support survivors, including healthcare, counselling, and rehabilitation services.

“Addressing financial crime is essential to strengthening national responses to gender-based violence,” he stated, urging ministers to prioritize accountability and resource allocation.

For her part, Habibatou Drammeh, Minister of Basic and Secondary Education of The Gambia, underscored the importance of a whole-of-government approach, noting that GBV is a cross-cutting issue affecting health, education, justice, and social protection sectors.

She highlighted education as a powerful tool for prevention, emphasizing the role of schools in promoting equality, shaping values, and creating safe learning environments free from abuse.

Dr Drammeh also pointed to national efforts, including strengthened guidance and counselling services, community sensitization programmes, and initiatives supporting girls’ education and protection.

The minister stressed that tackling GBV requires strong collaboration among governments, civil society, and development partners, adding that sustained action and political will are critical to achieving zero tolerance.

The ministerial forum sets the stage for the First Ladies’ conference, where regional leaders are expected to reinforce political commitment and drive the implementation of the newly adopted framework.

With a unified voice and clear roadmap, stakeholders say the region is now better positioned to move beyond rhetoric and deliver tangible results in ending gender-based violence.

Yet, it is within this uncertainty that greatness is born. Stories have always shaped societies, preserved cultures, and inspired change. In The Gambia, where writing is woven into the fabric of everyday life, the written word continues to carry forward a rich and powerful tradition.

Author's Gamble: Ink and Risk depicts the tenacity required to write in the face of inadequate means, little recognition, and a constant fear of oblivion. It is addressed to every aspiring writer who has ever questioned their voice but persisted to write nonetheless.

For many, the path is fraught with uncertainty: Will my voice be heard? Will my message be resonant? Will my work be worthwhile? These tough questions are what motivate authentic writing. They urge writers to go outside their comfort zone and find purpose.

This piece is both a reflection and a call to action. It reflects the struggles writers face, while also encouraging a new generation to rise boldly and tell their stories. It reminds us that every great author once began with uncertainty—but chose to persist.

Author's Gamble: Ink and Risk is more than just a writing; it's an invitation to imagine, write, take risks, and trust that your voice is important.

This is a plea to embrace writing as a source of identity, solidarity, and transformation in The Gambia and beyond. Because every story spoken sets a legacy in action.

Author David Mozie